Once again, special prosecution bills have become a source of division ahead of the April 10 general elections.

That is the last thing South Korea needs right now. Nevertheless, with a catalyst in place, activities are intensifying within the corridors of the presidential office and political parties, echoing a war-drum beat as they gear up for the upcoming general elections, typically culminating in winner-takes-all outcomes.

As anticipated, President Yoon Suk Yeol swiftly vetoed two special prosecution bills led by the opposition. He did so speedily through an extraordinary Cabinet meeting last Friday. The bills in question pertain to the alleged involvement of first lady Kim Keon Hee in a stock manipulation scandal from 2009 to 2012 at a licensed BMW dealership in Korea called Deutsch Motors. Another bill focuses on the purported “5 billion club” where six prominent people were promised 5 billion won ($3.8 million) each from a firm involved in a in a corruption-laden development project in Daejang-dong,
Seongnam, where the main opposition leader, Lee Jae-myung, previously served as mayor. This is the fourth time Yoon exercised his veto powers since assuming office in May 2022.

The two bills were flawed, notably in granting opposition parties the authority to appoint special prosecutors. The intricacies of the bill, particularly its connection to the first lady, invariably needs more explanation from the president. But it was his top official who provided the explanations.

The president’s new chief of staff, Lee Kwan-sup, noted that the allegations date back 12 years, emphasizing that the investigation conducted during the previous Moon Jae-in administration did not lead to any summons or indictments. Regarding the other special counsel investigation bill, the chief of staff asserted that it is designed to protect the main opposition Democratic Party of Korea (DPK) leader, Lee Jae-myung.

Who can disregard the political calculations over the special prosecution investigation bills? The bills, after being re
turned to the National Assembly, are now in a state of uncertainty. The DPK is contemplating seeking a jurisdiction dispute over the presidential veto with the Constitutional Court, rather than opting for a second vote.

Various surveys conducted in late December showed that the public did not want the president to veto particularly the bill involving the first lady. A Realmeter poll conducted during Jan. 2-5 showed the president’s approval rating dropped 1.5 percentage points to 35.7 percent.

The presidential office is showing signs of movement, albeit to a minimal extent. On Sunday, it said it is reviewing resinstating the so-called “second office.” In response, the DPK accused the presidential office of “diverting public attention” away from the veto towards the issue of the “second office.” If it is finalized, the president would be reversing his campaign pledge to downsize the executive office. However, such a move could be justified, as a thorough public review is deemed necessary for a member of the p
resident’s immediate family.

The office tasked to assist the first lady was first set up in 1972 under the late President Park Chung-hee. Continuing the practice of the previous administration, the “second office” would likely consist of around 10 staff members, each with a separate budget. This approach ensures increased transparency regarding the office’s functions and activities.

The executive office should also appoint an independent inspector general to deal with corruption cases involving the president’s relatives and aides, as it had promised to do as long as a bipartisan candidate is named. The president should be mindful of the lingering skepticism among the Korean public concerning the first lady. Before the presidential election in 2022, she pledged to be a “quiet wife” focusing on supporting the president. However, since then, she has been embroiled in a few controversies, including the alleged acceptance of a luxury handbag from a pastor. Her heightened public activities necessitate a legitimat
e office.

The president is presently engaging with a pre-selected audience through annual briefings from government ministries and agencies. It would be prudent for him to expand the scope of this direct engagement to include the press. This would provide an opportunity for him to articulate the reasons behind the veto and explain why he is compelled to overturn a campaign pledge. The public is closely watching the events unfold, but their patience may wear thin, and they will soon make their voices heard at the voting booths.

Source: Yonhap News Agency